By Ishola Balogun

Malam Bolaji Abdullah, the spokesman of the opposition, African Democratic Party, ADC, in this candid interview with Ishola Balogun, offers a scathing critique of recent political developments in Nigeria, including the controversial presidential pardons, the state of the economy, the gale of defection and what he called the erosion of democratic institutions. With passion and precision, Abdullahi warns of creeping authoritarianism and calls for a renewed commitment to justice, transparency, and genuine political alternatives. Enjoy it.

Many policies and actions of the federal government have been attracting attention, some of which people attribute to politics. What is your take on the recent pardon granted to a long list of convicted individuals?

I’m not sure if a reversal is possible, but what happened is deeply unfortunate, as we’ve already made clear in our reaction. Undoubtedly, the President has the constitutional right to grant pardons and clemency, but such powers must be exercised responsibly. What does that mean? It means they should be used for the benefit of society—particularly in cases of miscarriage of justice, excessive punishment, or where a convict’s release would bring relief to the public. These powers are not meant for hardened criminals.

However, in this case, President Tinubu has released individuals back into society who were convicted of murder and drug trafficking. Shockingly, many of these offenses carry life sentences, yet within just two years, the message being sent to the world—and to potential international partners—is that Nigeria does not take serious crimes like drug trafficking and murder seriously. The implication is that one can be convicted, wait two years, express regret—as the President’s spokesman Bayo Onanuga put it—and receive a pardon. It’s unprecedented and unfortunate. No President has done this before. It will damage Nigeria’s global reputation and set the country back significantly. It’s a terrible development, especially for the families of victims—like the man murdered by his wife. There are more compassionate and balanced ways to address such cases.

Furthermore, the average rate of drug use in Nigeria is 14.4%, nearly three times the global average of 5.5%. Yet, instead of addressing this epidemic, we are pardoning drug dealers after just two years. It’s deeply troubling.

Atiku is said to have contributed significantly to the crisis in the PDP. He often switches platforms and never builds any party. Now that he’s in ADC, will the party suffer the same fate?

I don’t agree with the conclusion that Atiku caused the PDP’s crisis. That’s your opinion, and I don’t share it. If that’s the basis of your question, I won’t respond further.

APC is accused of muscling opposition parties, especially PDP and Labour. How is ADC fighting back, considering the tactic of using party members to undermine their own party?

So far, so good. Since July 2, when we launched the coalition, everyone in Nigeria knows there is only one true opposition party—and that’s ADC. We’re proud of that. More importantly, we’re committed to offering Nigerians a real alternative. From the onset of this administration, it’s clear that most Nigerians are unlikely to vote for them again. Those who might are a tiny minority benefiting directly from the government. The majority have experienced nothing but hardship over the past two to three years.

The deliberate destabilization of opposition parties—the decimation of PDP, Labour, SDP, and others—necessitated the formation of our coalition. Politicians are fighting for the survival of their parties. The collapse of PDP has led many governors to defect to APC. Enugu, after 26 years in PDP, has moved to APC. Bayelsa followed. Delta is already gone, and more will join. I wouldn’t be surprised if most governors defect. We feel sorry for them because we know it’s not out of conviction. It’s part of a grand plan to create a one-party state and hijack Nigeria’s political space.

They’ve taken over the judiciary and the National Assembly. Whatever the President wants, the National Assembly complies. In the judiciary, no one dares oppose him. There’s an urgent need for a political summit. This is the beginning of authoritarianism. This is how it starts.

For us in the coalition, the battle line is clear—between the ruling party and the Nigerian people. The defection of governors means nothing to us. It’s a coordinated attack on the people. In any democracy, opposition exists to challenge areas where government fails and offer hope. But in Nigeria, politicians abandon their parties and join the ruling party. The government has done nothing but worsen people’s lives.

We’re not worried. Governors don’t determine election outcomes. Many have contested Senate seats after their tenure and lost. We know what we’re up against and we’re prepared. They’ll be shocked. Go to Oshodi in Lagos, where Tinubu has no stronghold, and try campaigning for APC—you’ll see the reaction. We’re not worried.

With almost all governors decamping to APC…

Speak to any governor who defected to APC and ask why. They’ll say, “Oh, President Tinubu is doing well, and I want to be part of the process.” But is that true? Is Tinubu really doing well?

During the Independence Day speech, the President claimed the worst was over. Yet, statistics released afterward showed more Nigerians are living in poverty than in the past three years. Many parents can’t afford school fees and resort to sending their children to informal lessons.

But inflation is reported to have dropped to 18.2%. What do you make of that?

They’re just quoting numbers. How does that reflect in people’s lives? If things were improving, you wouldn’t need statistics to prove it. Go to the market and see for yourself. To be fair, this government didn’t create poverty—but its policies have worsened it. Government should improve lives. Ask any average Nigerian if their life has improved in the last three years.

Quoting statistics to claim progress is like a man falling from a 30-storey building who reaches the 15th floor and says, “So far, so good.” The destination is still the ground. Ask people about their suffering. Take the N70,000 minimum wage—convert it to dollars. It’s still below the $2.15 extreme poverty threshold. How many people even earn that wage?  All this talk of improvement is political rhetoric, disconnected from reality. Do you know the current cost of gas? Speak to someone with a regular job and a family of four—hear their economic story.

How do you feel about elections being openly rigged, with INEC telling the true winner to go to court, where justice is nearly impossible? The new INEC Chairman promises improvement and says losers will congratulate winners, what is your take?

There are two sides to this. Do we have the technology for free and fair elections? Yes. But does INEC have the personnel to use it effectively? Our past experience says no.

We’re giving the new INEC Chairman the benefit of the doubt, just as we did with his predecessors—who all ended in disgrace. That same fate may await him. We’re not waiting to see if they’ll do the right thing. If they think it’s business as usual—rig the election and tell people to go to court—they’ll be shocked and devastated.

I won’t say more for now, but it won’t be business as usual. We’re holding the Chairman to his word: to improve the system, ensure automatic transmission of results, and follow the law strictly. Our electoral laws are better than those in many countries. The question is whether INEC will do the right thing. We’ll wait and see.

What exactly is coming? Can you give us an insight?

I won’t say more than this: if they’re planning to rig the election and tell aggrieved parties to go to court, as they’ve done before, this time will be different. We’re aware of their plans—and we’re ready.